Winnebago County wants to bring the 2nd Amendment back to Illinois!!!
Winnebago County wants to un-repeal the 2nd Amendment in Illinois!!!
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Rockford area takes aim at state gun law
By Robert McCoppin and Stacy St. Clair Tribune reporters
7:28 a.m. CDT, October 18, 2012
ROCKFORD – In the only state that doesn’t let its residents walk around with concealed firearms, a northwest Illinois county could become the testing ground for gun enthusiasts who want a clean sweep for their Second Amendment rights.
A grass-roots movement in Winnebago County is taking aim at Illinois’ long-held position, setting up a possible showdown between gun-rights advocates and a sympathetic state’s attorney who believes the effort won’t pass legal muster.
The county has scheduled a pair of hearings this month to determine whether it should allow people to carry guns within Winnebago borders. The proposed ordinance – which was written after officials received a petition with more than 11,000 signatures this year – would contradict state law.
The plan took a hit a few weeks ago when Winnebago County State’s Attorney Joseph Bruscato’s office sent a letter to the board saying the county could not circumvent state statute and create its own gun law. Bruscato, who for years has publicly pushed for concealed carry laws in Illinois, said he had no choice but to warn against the effort.
“Despite my personal views, I cannot give bad legal advice,” he said. “This ordinance would not be upheld.”
That opinion, however, is not stopping county board member Jim Webster, a gun-rights enthusiast from the far northern part of the county. At the first of the two hearings on the issue Wednesday, he brought in a Second Amendment lawyer to counter Bruscato’s position.
Webster, a local tree nursery owner and a longtime National Rifle Association member, wrote the proposed ordinance himself after receiving the petition in August. It would let people carry guns in Winnebago if they had proper training and possessed a Utah permit, which is recognized in neighboring Midwestern states and has no residency requirements.
“The people are telling us that it’s about time we did something,” Webster said. “Our founding fathers weren’t wimps. They knew what they were doing when they wrote the Second Amendment.”
Supporters argue the ordinance would pull Winnebago back into accordance with the U.S. Constitution and override the statute that they say is in direct violation of the Second Amendment, which affords the right to keep and bear arms.
About 50 people attended Wednesday’s hearing, with the vast majority there to support the ordinance. No one spoke against it.
Cheryl Edwards, weekly host of a local radio show on WFEN and a mother, told board members that a neighbor “opened fire” on her home in August with what turned out to be a pellet gun, but police didn't show up for hours. Two weeks ago, she was shot at in a drive by shooting while working as a valet driver, she said.
“It would mean so much to know that I have that right to protect myself if need be,” she said.
The concealed carry movement was spearheaded by local Tea Party activists, who started a petition drive at an area gun shop this summer. The effort spread quickly by word of mouth, with people mailing their signatures to organizers without being solicited, said David Hale, coordinator of the Rockford Tea Party.
Almost every customer who has come into Eric Sonnenberg’s Forest City Firearms shop in Rockford has signed the petition, Sonnenberg said. He doubts the law will become reality, but he thinks its passage could prompt change on the state level.
“Illinois is now a magnet for every bad guy in the country,” Sonnenberg said. “If you were a bad guy, where would you go, where your victim won’t be able to shoot back at you? That’s why our crime rate is going through the roof.”
Robert King, who oversees CeaseFire’s anti-violence efforts in Rockford, said he empathizes with concerns about crime and public safety in the area. However, he questions whether a concealed carry law would simply exacerbate the already tense situation. King fears the ordinance would encourage residents to take the law into their own hands, much like the Trayvon Martin case.
“We understand the need to find a solution to the violence around us,” said King, who is also the executive director of the Booker Washington Community Center in Rockford. “But what you’re going to do is push people toward vigilantism. You’re going to make a bad situation even worse.”
Winnebago residents seemed to agree in 2008, when they overwhelmingly rejected an advisory referendum pushing for a concealed carry law in Illinois.
But proponents suggest the climate has changed dramatically in the past four years, partially because of U.S. Supreme Court rulings that overturned existing gun bans in Chicago and Washington D.C. Downstate Pike County passed an advisory referendum on a concealed carry law this spring, and several other rural communities have placed the issue on the November ballot.
“We felt it was the perfect moment to challenge the state law,” Hale said. “We also felt it was time to see where our elected officials stood on this issue once and for all. It’s time for these politicians to show some courage.”
Second Amendment lawyer Walter Maksym described the proposed ordinance as a “re-do” for Winnebago. As county prosecutors sat nearby, Maksym argued the state’s attorney’s office should not enforce the state ban on concealed carry because it violates the U.S. Constitution.
The Chicago attorney predicted the courts would strike down the current state statute and lawmakers will have to come up with an accommodation.
“There has been a tide change” Maksym said. “The pendulum has swung.”
The proposed ordinance still faces an uphill battle, as the county’s public safety committee must vote on it before it can go to the full board. And despite a super majority of conservatives on the panel, Webster believes it will be difficult to find enough support during an election year.
Hale also doubted its passage, especially given the board’s recent decision to table a resolution in support of a statewide concealed carry law.
“We’ve got a county board full of wishy-washy, soft-spined Republicans,” Hale said. “But we’re still sending a message here.”
rmccoppin@tribune.com
DEA Painkiller Crackdown Targets Drug Distributors
DEA Painkiller Crackdown Targets Drug Distributors
I suspect the DEA would love to have 100 sick people be in pain without their medicine if their silly rules would prevent one junkie from getting high.
Let's face it the "War on Drugs" is really a war on the American people and a war on the Bill of Rights.
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A New Painkiller Crackdown Targets Drug Distributors
By BARRY MEIER
Published: October 17, 2012
A local druggist in Newport Beach, Calif., never expected that the federal government’s recent crackdown on distributors of prescription painkillers would ensnare him.
But in June, Cardinal Health, a major distributor, abruptly cut off his supplies of narcotics like OxyContin and Percocet. A few months earlier, the Drug Enforcement Administration had accused Cardinal of ignoring signs that some pharmacies in Florida that it supplied with such drugs might be feeding street demand for them.
Cardinal told the druggist, Michael Pavlovich, that the volume of pain drugs and other controlled medications he was dispensing was too high, a situation he said was explainable. His pharmacy specializes in pain patients, he said. Still, it took weeks for Cardinal to start supplying him again, and even then, it limited its shipments to about 15 percent of his previous orders. As a result, Mr. Pavlovich said, many of his patients had to go elsewhere to get prescriptions filled.
“We have to convince them that our dispensing is legitimate,” he said of his dealings with Cardinal.
Cardinal’s crackdown on Mr. Pavlovich was a sign of a new approach by the D.E.A. to stem the growing misuse and abuse of painkillers. In the last decade, the agency has tried a variety of tactics with limited success, from arresting hundreds of doctors to closing scores of pharmacies. Now, it and other agencies are moving up the pharmaceutical food chain, putting pressure on distributors like Cardinal, which act as middlemen between drug makers and the pharmacies and doctors that dispense painkillers.
In response, the distributors are scrambling to limit their liability by more closely monitoring their distribution pipelines and cutting off some customers.
Since January, for example, Cardinal has cut ties with a dozen pharmacies in states including Arizona, California, Nevada and Oklahoma, interviews and court records show. In doing so, the wholesaler, which is based in Columbus, Ohio, cited audits suggesting that people seeking to buy prescription drugs illegally might have targeted the store in question.
Several of the affected drugstores sued Cardinal unsuccessfully to resume supplies, but documents filed in those actions show that until recently, the wholesaler shipped large volumes of pain pills to the stores for months, if not years.
George S. Barrett, Cardinal’s chairman and chief executive, said the company had tightened the criteria it used in determining whether to sell narcotics to a pharmacy. In May, Cardinal settled the action brought by the D.E.A. in connection with its Florida sales by agreeing to suspend shipments of controlled drugs, like narcotics, from a facility in that state for two years. It could also face a significant fine.
“We had a strong antidiversion system in place, but no system is perfect,” Mr. Barrett said. Among other steps, the company said it had created a special committee to regularly evaluate pharmacies that order high volumes of narcotic drugs.
Another major distributor, AmerisourceBergen, recently disclosed that it faces a federal criminal inquiry into its oversight of painkiller sales. And in June, West Virginia officials filed a lawsuit against 14 drug distributors, including Cardinal and AmerisourceBergen, charging that they had fed illicit painkiller use in that state. The companies have denied wrongdoing.
D.E.A. officials have heralded the Cardinal action as the forerunner of a more aggressive approach to the painkiller problem. But critics say that for years, the agency did little to scrutinize distributors who were making tens of millions of dollars from the prescriptions generated by pain clinics in Florida, Ohio and other states. These facilities, often described as “pill mills,” employed doctors who wrote narcotics prescriptions after cursory examinations of patients.
“In the case of West Virginia, they have done nothing,” said a lawyer in Charleston, James M. Cagle, who is working on the state’s action against distributors.
The drug distribution system is a sprawling one that involves about 800 companies, which range in size from a few giants like Cardinal to hundreds of small firms. For wholesalers, the markup on medications can be small, sometimes a few pennies a pill. But with billions of pills sold annually, the profits can be big. Narcotic painkillers are now the most widely prescribed drugs in the United States, with sales last year of $8.5 billion.
This is not the first time the industry has faced scrutiny. In 2008, Cardinal paid $34 million to settle charges that it failed to alert the D.E.A. to suspicious orders for millions of pain pills that it was shipping to Internet pharmacies — operations that for years supplied the illicit market. The same year, another big distributor, McKesson, paid $13 million to settle similar charges. As part of the agreements, both companies denied wrongdoing.
Executives like Mr. Barrett of Cardinal say that it is often difficult for a distributor to tell whether a pharmacy or a doctor is serving legitimate pain patients or supplying illicit drug demand. And distributors have long complained that the D.E.A. has never issued specific guidelines for when they should stop shipping to a customer.
But agency officials say that wholesalers know about the red flags. For example, the agency charged that Cardinal was selling 50 times the amount of pain pills containing the narcotic oxycodone, the active ingredient in OxyContin and other drugs, to its four top pharmacy customers in Florida than it was supplying to the average drugstore in that state.
Cardinal failed to scrutinize such sales, the agency said, even violating the safeguards it promised to put in place when it agreed to settle the government charges in connection with its supplying of Internet pharmacies. “Everyone is making a large amount of money on these drugs,” said Joseph T. Rannazzisi, a deputy assistant administrator of the D.E.A. division that oversees legal drugs, like painkillers.
The D.E.A. is able to track where painkillers are going because distributors regularly file reports detailing their shipments to customers. But just how aggressively the agency uses that data is anyone’s guess.
An agency employee, Michelle Cooper, testified last year that she had attended a training session at which instructors described how investigators like her could use the database to identify suspicious distributors. In doing so, they pointed to data showing that a distributor had suddenly started shipping large and growing volumes of pain pills to Florida drugstores.
It was only later that Ms. Cooper discovered that the case involved a real distributor, not a hypothetical one, and that the company was still making those shipments despite the agency’s apparent awareness of them.
“I didn’t believe the numbers they were showing us were real,” she said. “I thought it was for training purposes.”
Ms. Cooper subsequently investigated the company, Keysource Medical, which agreed last year to give up its license to distribute narcotic drugs.
Faced with Congressional pressure, agency officials like Mr. Rannazzisi have said that they are increasing the ranks of investigators like Ms. Cooper, and that they provide distribution data to state officials when local authorities request it as part of an investigation.
But state officials say it would be more helpful to get that data routinely so they can act more quickly against rogue clinics and pharmacies. For years, Ohio law enforcement authorities did not know which distributors were supplying the many pill mills operating in the state, one official said. If the D.E.A. had supplied that information, “we would have known about the number of shipments going into Ohio and where they were going,” said Aaron Haslam, an assistant state attorney general.
Also, while the D.E.A. brings actions against distributors like Cardinal for failing to notify the agency of a “suspicious order” from a pharmacy or other customer, it does not share those reports with officials in the state where the pharmacy is based.
In response to a request from The New York Times, the agency even declined to disclose the number of such reports it received annually. A spokeswoman, Barbara Carreno, said in a statement that the agency considered such statistics “law enforcement sensitive” information, but she did not elaborate.
The Times has filed a Freedom of Information Act request seeking that data.
CIA wants drones to kill with
CIA wants drones so it can be the judge, jury and executioner??
Fair trial. Ask the CIA if you deserve a "fair trial" and they will tell
you that you won't get a fair trail if they decide you are a criminal.
The CIA will give you a fair chance to run from a drone launched
missile if they decide to execute you for crimes you have allegedly committed.
I can only wonder when the DEA will be requesting drones to executed suspected drug dealers with!
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CIA seeks to expand drone fleet, officials say
By Greg Miller, Published: October 18
The CIA is urging the White House to approve a significant expansion of the agency’s fleet of armed drones, a move that would extend the spy service’s decade-long transformation into a paramilitary force, U.S. officials said.
The proposal by CIA Director David H. Petraeus would bolster the agency’s ability to sustain its campaigns of lethal strikes in Pakistan and Yemen and enable it, if directed, to shift aircraft to emerging al-Qaeda threats in North Africa or other trouble spots, officials said.
If approved, the CIA could add as many as 10 drones, the officials said, to an inventory that has ranged between 30 and 35 over the past few years.
The outcome has broad implications for counterterrorism policy and whether the CIA gradually returns to being an organization focused mainly on gathering intelligence, or remains a central player in the targeted killing of terrorism suspects abroad.
In the past, officials from the Pentagon and other departments have raised concerns about the CIA’s expanding arsenal and involvement in lethal operations, but a senior Defense official said that the Pentagon had not opposed the agency’s current plan.
Officials from the White House, the CIA and the Pentagon declined to comment on the proposal. Officials who discussed it did so on the condition of anonymity, citing the sensitive nature of the subject.
One U.S. official said the request reflects a concern that political turmoil across the Middle East and North Africa has created new openings for al-Qaeda and its affiliates.
“With what happened in Libya, we’re realizing that these places are going to heat up,” the official said, referring to the Sept. 11 attack on a U.S. diplomatic outpost in Benghazi. No decisions have been made about moving armed CIA drones into these regions, but officials have begun to map out contingencies. “I think we’re actually looking forward a little bit,” the official said.
White House officials are particularly concerned about the emergence of al-Qaeda’s affiliate in North Africa, which has gained weapons and territory following the collapse of the governments in Libya and Mali. Seeking to bolster surveillance in the region, the United States has been forced to rely on small, unarmed turboprop aircraft disguised as private planes.
Meanwhile, the campaign of U.S. airstrikes in Yemen has heated up. Yemeni officials said a strike on Thursday — the 35th this year — killed at least seven al-Qaeda-linked militants near Jaar, a town in southern Yemen previously controlled by al-Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula, as the terrorist group’s affiliate is known.
The CIA’s proposal would have to be evaluated by a group led by President Obama’s counterterrorism adviser, John O. Brennan, officials said.
The group, which includes senior officials from the CIA, the Pentagon, the State Department and other agencies, is directly involved in deciding which alleged al-Qaeda operatives are added to “kill” lists. But current and former officials said the group also plays a lesser-known role as referee in deciding the allocation of assets, including whether the CIA or the Defense Department takes possession of newly delivered drones.
“You have to state your requirements and the system has to agree that your requirements trump somebody else,” said a former high-ranking official who participated in the deliberations. “Sometimes there is a food fight.”
The administration has touted the collaboration between the CIA and the military in counterterrorism operations, contributing to a blurring of their traditional roles. In Yemen, the CIA routinely “borrows” the aircraft of the military’s Joint Special Operations Command to carry out strikes. The JSOC is increasingly engaged in activities that resemble espionage.
The CIA’s request for more drones indicates that Petraeus has become convinced that there are limits to those sharing arrangements and that the agency needs full control over a larger number of aircraft.
The U.S. military’s fleet dwarfs that of the CIA. A Pentagon report issued this year counted 246 Predators, Reapers and Global Hawks in the Air Force inventory alone, with hundreds of other remotely piloted aircraft distributed among the Army, the Navy and the Marines.
Petraeus, who had control of large portions of those fleets while serving as U.S. commander in Iraq and Afghanistan, has had to adjust to a different resource scale at the CIA, officials said. The agency’s budget has begun to tighten, after double-digit increases over much of the past decade.
“He’s not used to the small budget over there,” a U.S. congressional official said. In briefings on Capitol Hill, Petraeus often marvels at the agency’s role relative to its resources, saying, “We do so well with so little money we have.” The official declined to comment on whether Petraeus had requested additional drones.
Early in his tenure at the CIA, Petraeus was forced into a triage situation with the agency’s inventory of armed drones. To augment the hunt for Anwar al-Awlaki, a U.S.-born cleric linked to al-Qaeda terrorist plots, Petraeus moved several CIA drones from Pakistan to Yemen. After Awlaki was killed in a drone strike, the aircraft were sent back to Pakistan, officials said.
The number of strikes in Pakistan has dropped from 122 two years ago to 40 this year, according to the New America Foundation. But officials said the agency has not cut back on its patrols there, despite the killing of Osama bin Laden and a dwindling number of targets.
The agency continues to search for bin Laden’s successor, Ayman al-Zawahiri, and has carried out dozens of strikes against the Haqqani network, a militant group behind attacks on U.S. forces in Afghanistan.
The CIA also maintains a separate, smaller fleet of stealth surveillance aircraft. Stealth drones were used to monitor bin Laden’s compound in Abbottabad, Pakistan. Their use in surveillance flights over Iran’s nuclear facilities was exposed when one crashed in that country last year.
Any move to expand the reach of the CIA’s fleet of armed drones probably would require the agency to establish additional secret bases. The agency relies on U.S. military pilots to fly the planes from bases in the southwestern United States but has been reluctant to share overseas landing strips with the Defense Department.
CIA Predators that are used in Pakistan are flown out of airstrips along the border in Afghanistan. The agency opened a secret base on the Arabian Peninsula when it began flights over Yemen, even though JSOC planes are flown from a separate facility in Djibouti.
Karen DeYoung contributed to this report.
LA Sheriff sued for refusing to release people on bail
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ACLU sues Sheriff Baca over bail refusals
By Cindy Chang, Los Angeles Times
October 19, 2012, 12:05 a.m.
The American Civil Liberties Union is suing Los Angeles County Sheriff Lee Baca on behalf of people who say they were denied bail for minor offenses after being flagged by immigration authorities.
British filmmaker Duncan Roy, who says he spent nearly three months in L.A. County jails without a chance to post bail, is one of the five plaintiffs in the lawsuit, which will be filed today in U.S. District Court.
Roy was arrested Nov. 15 in Malibu on an extortion charge. He was in the country legally but was identified as a suspected illegal immigrant through a federal program called Secure Communities, which sends the fingerprints of all arrestees through an immigration database.
Sheriff's Department officials rejected Roy's repeated efforts to post $35,000 bail, citing a detention order by Immigration and Customs Enforcement, the lawsuit alleges.
The ACLU and other plaintiffs' attorneys say the bail denials have been a blanket practice by the Sheriff's Department, affecting thousands of people who are subjected to ICE holds in local jails. The lawsuit notes that the denials may have ceased in the last week.
A Baca spokeswoman said she had not seen the lawsuit and could not comment on its specifics. She disputed the charge that the Sheriff's Department has denied bail to anyone because of ICE holds.
"If you are able to post bail — say it's $10,000 — and you're an immigrant from wherever. With or without an ICE hold, we accept that," said the spokeswoman, Nicole Nishida.
A report by prison expert James Austin cites data from Baca's office indicating that at least 20,000 Los Angeles County inmates, nearly all of them Latino males, were subjected to ICE holds in 2011.
As many as 17 other counties, including Orange, San Bernardino, Sacramento and San Diego, also allegedly deny bail for defendants with ICE holds, according to John Bench, president of the Golden State Bail Agents Assn.
"The principle of bail is something so fundamental, that you shouldn't be held until you're found guilty," said Jennie Pasquarella, an ACLU attorney involved in the lawsuit.
The dangerous conditions in the nation's largest jail system, which will be overseen by a special monitor after a scathing report by a blue ribbon panel, add "insult to injury" for anyone detained unnecessarily, Pasquarella added.
The Obama administration's deportation policies, which rely on cooperation between local law enforcement and federal immigration authorities, have come under fire in California. Legislation that would have prohibited sheriffs and police departments from enforcing ICE holds in most cases was vetoed by Gov. Jerry Brown last month.
Denying bail to arrestees would go above and beyond Secure Communities, which requires only that local law enforcement agencies honor the 48-hour ICE holds.
Alain Martinez-Perez, another plaintiff in the ACLU lawsuit, was arrested in December following a domestic dispute. He spent several days behind bars while his cousin's efforts to post bail were rejected because he was under an immigration hold, the lawsuit says.
"People should not be abused in this way," Martinez-Perez, a 37-year-old immigrant from Mexico, said in an interview. "The law should reflect the need to protect all people. We come to America to make better lives, not to be abused and treated differently from others."
cindy.chang@latimes.com
Police use of drones concerns activists
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Police use of drones concerns activists
Justin Berton
Updated 10:57 p.m., Thursday, October 18, 2012
Imagine a day when an unmanned aircraft can follow a homicide suspect driving on Interstate 880 and silently track him to his hideout in the East Bay.
Police say that day is coming - possibly by next year. Remote-controlled aircraft known as drones will help their efforts to fight crime and make officers safer, and save taxpayers from the rising costs of fueling and maintaining helicopters.
Critics, however, worry that law enforcement's use of the flying cameras will result in privacy abuses and open the door to the unwarranted surveillance of residents and, eventually, entire neighborhoods.
Imagine a day, they say, when an unmanned aircraft silently follows a resident from his front door to work under the guise of community policing.
On Thursday, civil rights attorneys and antidrone activists gathered outside Oakland City Hall to criticize an Alameda County Sheriff's Office plan to buy the high-tech gadgets. It would be among the first law enforcement agencies in the state to do so.
Deputies tested the machines two months ago and have applied for a federal grant that could bring the first aerial device to the county by 2013.
Sgt. J.D. Nelson, a spokesman for the sheriff, said deputies would deploy a drone only in emergencies, just as the department uses helicopters today.
New tool, same rules
The drone's cameras could give officers an aerial view of unfolding crime scenes such as hostage situations, or track dangerous suspects who flee into backyards or wooded areas, Nelson said. Instead of fueling a $3 million helicopter, officers could remotely launch a battery-powered drone that costs $50,000 to $100,000.
The 4-pound model tested by deputies, loaded with high-definition cameras, zipped through the air at a height of 400 feet for several hours without having to be recharged.
"We could use them in search-and-rescue operations," Nelson said, "which could save someone's life."
Critics suspicious
For all the good intentions, Sheriff Gregory Ahern incited privacy advocates this week when he said he would also use the unmanned devices to scout for marijuana farms and characterized such work as "proactive policing." Critics view that as code for spying on large swaths of territory, such as high-crime neighborhoods.
"It will become integrated into their everyday police tactics," said Rachel Herzing, an activist with Critical Resistance, a national group that advocates for alternatives to imprisonment. "A few years ago, we didn't see tanks or armored vehicles in the streets of Oakland. Now we see it and it's become almost normal."
Linda Lye, an attorney with the American Civil Liberties Union, echoed the concern that local police were purchasing military tools normally reserved for war and had not come up with a worthy rationale for deploying drones.
"When law enforcement has dangerous and powerful tools in their arsenal, they'll use them," Lye said. "The invitation to abuse this tool is enormous."
Use is spreading
Domestic agencies and private groups have dramatically increased their use of drones in recent years, just as the military has come to rely on them in wars.
Fire crews in some states use drones in wildlands to see what a blaze is doing behind the firewall. Environmentalists use them to monitor animals in remote areas. State law enforcement agencies in Texas and Arizona have purchased planes to monitor the U.S.-Mexican border.
The use of drones by local law enforcement agencies is still rare, but experts agree a push of federal money and a drop in the cost of the technology will give hundreds of local police departments the incentive to start using the planes in coming years.
Legal issues
The rise of the machines is certain to lead to legal battles down the road, said Jim Dempsey, vice president for public policy at San Francisco's Center for Democracy and Technology.
The U.S. Supreme Court has ruled that what's viewable from the air is fair game for police, Dempsey said. But if a drone tails a suspect for an extended period, the courts may want police to obtain a search warrant, he said.
Dempsey said the technology was outpacing the law books, and that "this issue is headed straight for the Supreme Court."
Trevor Timm, a spokesman with the Electronic Frontier Foundation, said his group wanted local police departments to work with privacy advocates to draft regulations on when drones could be used.
"We want to make sure there are robust rules in place before they fill up the skies of the Bay Area," Timm said. "Right now, it's cheap, it's easy, and there's no rules of the road. It could get out of control very fast."
Justin Berton is a San Francisco Chronicle staff writer. E-mail: jberton@sfchronicle.com Twitter: @justinberton
San Jose piggy busted for sheet fraud case???
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San Jose police officer arrested in time sheet fraud case
By Dana Hull
dhull@mercurynews.com
Posted: 10/18/2012 07:25:19 PM PDT
SAN JOSE -- The San Jose Police Department arrested one of its own Thursday.
Officer Jeffrey Enslen was arrested and booked on one count of felony grand theft as a result of suspected time sheet fraud.
The department's Criminal Investigation Detail (CID) completed a 9-month investigation and presented its findings to the Santa Clara County District Attorney's Office, which filed one count of grand theft.
Enslen, 45, was arrested without incident and booked into the Santa Clara County Jail. He has been placed on paid administrative leave from the
Arredondo left giant black mark on Tempe